Milei's "kid's dream," the novel about the changes in the City, and Macri believes it's almost finished.

Peronism believes it has secured a quorum for a session on Thursday of this week to finalize the repeal of the five deregulation decrees that were already rejected in the Chamber of Deputies. On Friday, Cristina de Kirchner spoke with the leader of the party and vice president of the National Party (PJ), José Mayans, about the cultural triumph represented by Javier Milei's vetoes of the pension increases, the moratorium, and the disability emergency.

With the signing of these rejections, the outcome of which is uncertain, the government admitted the legality of the session in which the Senate finalized the deputies' sanction. It lost the argument put forward by the ruling party at the time, which claimed that it was an illegal self-convening meeting. The leadership of the ruling party in the House—Victoria Villarruel, Bartolomé Abdala, and Ezequiel Atauche—failed to faithfully resist the argument of self-convening and left the session presidency to Silvia Sapag, of the Union for the Homeland party.

Negotiators with the IMF succeeded in getting the review report to include express support for the president's promise that he would veto and, alternatively, take the sanction to court. " If the veto is overridden by a two-thirds majority in both chambers ," the report states, " the administration plans to challenge the initiatives through legal proceedings ." Any legal challenge would avoid getting involved in matters pertaining to another branch of government, especially if the government legalized the sanction when Milei signed the veto.

The spotlight will be on the Senate because the chair of the Constitutional Affairs Committee, Alejandra Vigo, said that between this week and next, a ruling will be issued with signatures from all blocs to send the bill to the Senate to expand the Supreme Court of Justice. Peronism is willing to sign the expansion to 7 or 9 members. The ruling party and the opposition will agree that the bill will be discussed before the elections, with the current proportionality between the two chambers. They admit that the discussion about the names will occur with the new Congress that emerges from the October 26 elections, but they want to leave the field marked for that second debate.

The ruling party is coming off an ignominious defeat after the collapse of the nominations of Ariel Lijo and Manuel García Mansilla. It will never be known how they dared to do so without first securing legislative support, which existed but was insufficient to enable approval. Even less is understood about the Peronist party's reasons for not supporting at least Lijo, who was a candidate from the Peronist camp and promoted by Ricardo Lorenzetti, also linked to that sector.

If the Peronist Senate had approved these appointments, the Court of Five would never have rushed through the ruling that convicted Cristina Kirchner. The case would have entered the twilight zone for several years—the same zone that the convicted Carlos Menem enjoyed until the end of his life . As of December 2023, Peronism has ceased to lead the Senate, which it had administered for half a century. It was the body that controlled the judicial system. Having lost this power, it was only a matter of time before Cristina would be harmed.

Over the past two years, Peronism has listened to the government's proposal to expand and negotiate appointments. When Milei took office, they even agreed to allow Miguel Pichetto and Juan Carlos Romero to join the court. Both rejected the proposal made to them by Santiago Caputo for reasons of age. They were already reaching the age limit for appointment and preferred to become the political arbiters of the two chambers, Romero in the Senate and Pichetto in the House of Representatives. Romero, who announced last week that he would not run for reelection as a senator in Salta, also received Lule Menem's offer to become the Auditor General of the Nation, as a pledge to unblock the negotiation of appointments to vacant positions. Today, the AGN has no designated congressional representatives and has left the system without mechanisms to control spending. The dream of a young man: to govern without controls . Today, some years of Alberto Fernández's term are free from review, and soon the first part of Milei's term will be.

Until next Sunday, the political community will be lurking, changing its skin. The suspension of the PASO (Primary Elections) plunged the system into a paradise of finger-pointing and nepotism . The closing date for candidacies is Sunday at midnight, or Monday the 18th before 9 AM. The slew of names leaves wounds in all parties, and the first reckoning will occur with the succession of challenges that the electoral boards, which are where the candidates for senators and national representatives are registered, will receive.

The recurring argument will be the reproach to party authorities for not having respected Article 38 of the Constitution, which establishes that "Political parties are fundamental institutions of the democratic system. Their creation and the exercise of their activities are free within the respect of this Constitution, which guarantees their democratic organization and functioning, the representation of minorities, the right to nominate candidates for elective public office , access to public information, and the dissemination of their ideas." (Article 38).

When the PASO (Primary Elections) were suspended, the National Electoral Chamber sent a letter to political parties across the country, through electoral judges, requesting information on how they will safeguard, without the mechanism of primaries, the representation of minorities and the competition for nominating candidates for elective public office. Once registration closes, those who were left out will file complaints in compliance with Article 38.

There are already precedents, even before the closing date. In Chubut, a Mileísmo activist, Ricardo Bustos, filed a legal claim for membership in the La Libertad Avanza party in that province after authorities denied him the right to do so. He alleged discrimination, and the Chubut electoral judge ruled in his favor, representing a setback for César Treffinger's leadership. Many "Bustos cases" are expected across the country, which will add even more "rock and roll" to the pre-election period than it already has.

The Buenos Aires City government contributed to the novel of skin changes by opening up the relationship between the PRO (Nationalist Party of Argentina) and La Libertad Avanza (La Libertad Avanza), which are two sides of the same project. Furthermore, the PRO (Nationalist Party of Argentina) shares the establishment's consensus that Milei is the slovenly man the slovenly man needs to achieve his goals . The barbarism without which there is no civilization . This connection is not a mere coincidence, but a determining factor in the configuration of power.

Half of the cabinet, the government plans, and the presidential ticket in the administration come from this sector. Politics, in this context, should not be analyzed by an individual's party affiliation, but by the political spectrum they represent. The current officials, mostly from the right-wing PRO party and some radicals, have been brought in to execute the plans that Sturzenegger and other experts originally designed for the Cambiemos coalition in 2023. The validity of DNU 70 and the Ley de Bases are, in fact, projects that arose within that orbit.

The rest, the " changing shirts ," are irrelevant. What lies beneath is the same specter that governed with Macri between 2015 and 2019. It should come as no surprise that they seek to run together in the elections; they already did so in the first round and in the runoff. Behind this is the intention to continue representing an electorate they believe responds to them.

It's a risky bet, and one that didn't work out for the presidential ticket that was left out of the runoff in 2023. Nor did it work for La Libertad Avanza (LLA) and the PRO in the May 18 elections in Buenos Aires City, which were met with indifference by the tribes that had fueled the specter of what was Together for Change since 2005 and sought refuge in abstention . Mauricio Macri's political history shows that the party's brand has never been his main concern. In 2003, he ran for mayor on the Justicialist Party ticket. In 2013, his candidates in the province of Buenos Aires joined Sergio Massa's list, causing the PRO to lose its party status, a situation that wasn't reversed until 2015. The "outburst" of Together for Change in 2023 occurred when Macri promoted the current president, arguing that he represented his ideas "better than anyone else." This event fractured the coalition, scattering the vote and preventing Patricia Bullrich from entering the runoff.

On this occasion, Macri ponders the significance of a victory and a defeat . He believes more in the electoral prospects of the "Mileismo" party than in the ultimate fate of the government's program. Given this, he doesn't want to be on the list of October's losers . This intention forces him to play both sides: he spoke with the president before making the pilgrimage to Olivos for a meeting with the presidential sister. He also encourages the coalition of governors of the United Provinces—the formal seal of the "Federal Cry"—to build a legislative bloc after December.

Of the 22 national deputies up for renewal, he agreed with the ruling party to secure the reelection of between 8 and 10 "pure Macri supporters." This strategy is supported by the order he gave to defend his own representatives and do what was best for each district . This model is what his representative and chief strategist, Jorge Triaca, achieved in Mendoza. In Mendoza, they were left out of the agreement with the Radical Party's Alfredo Cornejo and the LLA. In San Luis, they admit that Claudio Poggi, cornered by the Rodríguez Saá (he has Adolfo inside, but Alberto is with Kirchnerism), will not participate in the national election and will instead confine himself to the local dispute. In San Juan, they support Marcelo Orrego's alliance, which pits Peronism against the LLA.

With this agreement, Macri ensures, and assures the ruling party, that he's leading them, not Ritondo, Patricia, or anyone else. In Buenos Aires City, where the pressure is on the most, the PRO party hands over three deputies who are winning. One is María Eugenia Vidal, who is Mauricio's point of reference and only exists if he gives her a mission. She warned that something smells fishy and she's stepping down. The other two are Fernando Iglesias and Sabrina Ajmechet, two "bullrichistas" whom the ruling party will reward with executive positions for their defection. Of those three, Mauricio keeps two. Meanwhile, neither of the two senators who defeated Juntos por el Cambio belong to Mauricio: Guadalupe Tagliaferri belongs to Horacio Larreta, and Martín Lousteau is a Radical Party member. All in all, Mauricio comes out as a done deal. Why not fix it? The trip to Olivos was supported by a conversation between him and Milei. As for the purely anecdotal, Mauricio prided himself on knowing how to handle women well. He believed he could do it with Patricia, and now he must believe the same when he talks to his sister, a strange object of desire.

Last Thursday marked the 10th anniversary of the death of Juan Carlos Mazzón, the most important Peronist operative during the transition. He was key to Peronism in Mendoza: alongside José Luis Manzano's generation, he worked as an advisor to Domingo Cavallo and later to the Kirchners. He was secretary of the presidency under Néstor and Cristina, who dismissed him in March 2015. Mazzón was responsible for the defeat of the Peronists of La Cámpora, whom Kirchnerism displaced to Mendoza to participate in the elections for PJ party officials in that district. Up to 300 militants traveled and were housed in military units in Campo de los Andes to participate in those elections. The orthodox Peronist slate won the elections, and Cristina blamed Mazzón. At the time of his resignation, "Chueco" was working closely on an alliance between Daniel Scioli and José Manuel de la Sota to form a presidential ticket that year. That scheme was surely the other reason for his resignation, because Cristina was considering another Cordoban for that ticket, Carlos Zannini. If the Scioli-De la Sota ticket had prospered, the course of events would have been different. With Zannini on the ticket, Córdoba provided the votes that Macri needed to defeat Peronism in the runoff by just two points. It was another strategic blunder by Cristina , which dragged a Peronism that was unable to overcome the death of "El Chueco" to defeat.