PSOE allies are calibrating their pressure to avoid a government crisis.

The growing impatience of the PSOE's partners and allies with its handling of the crisis stemming from the corruption cases that have erupted within Ferraz is pushing the legislative session onto a slippery slope. But the fear of an early election with the PP and Vox on the rise is, at least for now, restraining the most belligerent impulses.

Faced with Pedro Sánchez's silence, who has not contacted his partners to reach an agreement on the package of measures he will present to Congress this Wednesday, Yolanda Díaz's party decided to counterattack yesterday with a double challenge. The first: to bring the proposal to create a state anti-corruption office to the plenary session of Congress. The second: to submit the extension of paid leave for caregiving to the Council of Ministers before the end of July.

These are important issues for training, but the truth is that they are more of a flash in the pan than tangible measures. Because none of the proposals depend exclusively on Sumar.

The creation of the anti-corruption office requires a parliamentary majority, which inevitably comes from the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party). And as for parental leave, its debate in the Council of Ministers guarantees nothing if the Socialist wing of the executive decides not to promote it. In other words, the final control of what does or does not appear in the Official State Gazette (BOE) remains, as coalition sources point out, a Socialist prerogative.

Sumar is aware of this, but believes it's the most appropriate way to get the PSOE out of the "state of shock" it finds itself in: "It's the first step toward effectively resetting the legislature," argue sources from the plurinational space.

The PNV is more cautious. The Basque nationalists don't plan to "open any files" until they hear from Sánchez this Wednesday. And they refuse to join the pressure from other parties, such as the Canary Islands Coalition, whose general secretary urged Sánchez to run for a vote of confidence. For Aitor Esteban's party, the moment demands more listening than action.

In Esquerra Republicana, criticism is combined with political calculations. The handling of the Cerdán case and the selection of Montse Mínguez as Socialist spokesperson have not been well received, as the party believes that "the PSC will never be able to defend the interests of Catalonia." But ERC prefers caution: this week, a key card is at stake in the negotiation of the new financing model.

The bilateral meeting between the Spanish government and the Catalan government on July 14 is seen as decisive. The discussion is focused on strengthening the Catalan Tax Agency, which is essential for moving toward greater fiscal sovereignty, as agreed upon with the PSC. Therefore, criticism is measured, without breaking tactical support for the government.

The only party that has completely abandoned the logic of balance is Podemos. After its split with Sumar and its growing parliamentary isolation, it is operating as an opposition from the left. Pablo Fernández, its organization secretary, suggested yesterday that Sánchez will lose any chance of gaining Podemos's trust "if he doesn't engage in clear self-criticism."

Twenty-four hours before the president's momentous appearance, the balance remains in place. But with less and less conviction.