Why the CISL is moving to the right, the crisis of union unity

Many of us have been surprised, even shocked, to see the CISL gradually moving closer to the content and actions of Giorgia Meloni's government. Too often, we have dismissed this shift as a simple top-down decision by the leadership, but this interpretation neither tells nor explains the full story of the causes. The following reflections attempt to identify some of the main factors behind this unusual positioning of the CISL.

The shift to the right of the working classes

In many Western countries, starting with the United States, we are witnessing a shift among the working classes and the less well-off toward right-wing political and cultural movements, including Italy. This phenomenon, which has seen a significant portion of workers—both self-employed and employed—move toward the right or, in any case, toward political movements not traditionally close to the center-left, has, in our opinion, also had indirect repercussions on the strategies chosen by the CISL, distancing them from the values and practices of solidarity and converging on neo-corporatist orientations and practices. Historically, the CISL has represented an innovative vision of reformist contractualism in negotiations with governments . The "reformist" union announced by Luigi Sbarra and continued by Daniela Fumarola has highly questionable content compared to the demands of its membership base for years, where a center-left majority prevailed. Many members were active in the pro-labor currents of the Christian Democrats and had an open view of the left. Many members were also active in Catholic associations, particularly the ACLI. Today, however, the CISL finds itself confronted with a shift in orientation among part of its membership and must contend with the new Italian socio-political context, the consensus achieved by Giorgia Meloni and her government, and a certain indifference on the part of center-left forces towards traditional CISL issues. These new conditions could influence its relationship with the political realities and alter the priorities of CISL unionism.

How the shift of the working classes affects the CISL 1. Adapting to new political dynamics

The CISL seems to be interpreting the historic concept of autonomy by reducing it to a simple, apolitical neutrality, stripped of any connotation of the specific political subjectivity of any intermediate body. This attitude pushes it toward constant dialogue with the Meloni government and with the independent and right-wing unions. This occurs for two main reasons. A) The CISL does not want to alienate that significant segment of workers who have shifted to the right due to fears induced by illegal immigration, urban violence in large cities, the constant weakening of the welfare system, and the cultural decline caused by wars. The CISL also wants to represent the concerns of these workers, with a more conservative cultural and social vision. B) Trade union pragmatism. The CISL has always been characterized by a strong pragmatism that leads it to pursue realistic and practical goals in the short term. With the right in government, there is the belief that dialogue (negotiating seems rather difficult to us!) with the executive branch can lead to concessions beneficial to workers, on issues such as tax exemptions on wages and the provision of corporate welfare, compensation for businesses, and collaboration within companies, which contain traces of corporatism.

2. Greater attention to economic and social issues closer to the right

Political neutrality, as previously summarized, accentuates the contrast with the CGIL, making the CISL available to dialogue with the Meloni government on issues such as: A) Tax reform : limiting legislative interventions to those that reduce the tax burden on businesses, with the aim of incentivizing employment, without at the same time undermining Salvini's peace with the tax authorities, which allows for an endless chain of disguised amnesties and unfair taxation between employed and self-employed workers. B) Worker participation in company management : Although this issue is historically more closely linked to the culture of the CISL, the topic has also found fertile ground in right-wing policies, limiting itself, however, as the approved law specifies, to the function of "collaborating on...", without ever, not even for the organization of work and safety, providing for "co-decision" methods. C) Labor policies. In a context where the government is promoting greater flexibility in the labor market, the CISL chooses to negotiate rather than maintain a position of conflict.

3. Weakening of the traditional division between left-wing and right-wing unions

Historically, the CISL has represented a different union model than the CGIL, while the UIL has positioned itself closer to democratic socialism. The shift of the working classes to the right weakens the historical polarizations within the unions and opens up new spaces for the right to exploit.

4. Influence of the popular base

As the grassroots' political preferences shift, the CISL could find itself in a more ambiguous position. Pressure from workers moving closer to parties like Brothers of Italy and the League could push the union to align itself, while maintaining a certain distance from full alignment.

The evolution of CISL and the challenges Autonomy and compromise

Union autonomy has always been a core value for the CISL. However, if the concept of autonomy transforms into a sort of apolitical neutrality, this could push the CISL toward forms of dialogue rather than negotiation with the Meloni government, without completely giving in to the right. The risk, however, is that this strategy, without clear unity of action among the confederate unions, could lead to excessive rapprochement with the government, alienating part of its base. Not all CISL members would be willing to accept a rapprochement with the Meloni government without reservation, especially those more closely tied to a traditionally center-left vision. This could lead to internal friction and potential conflict.

Dialogue with the Meloni government

The Meloni government may consider the CISL a privileged interlocutor for mediating on economic issues. However, this does not mean that the CISL will become a "right-wing union," but rather that it will have to adapt to new political and social realities.

Conclusions

The rightward shift of the working classes is not only affecting the political orientation of a segment of the CISL's rank and file, but also the union's representation and negotiation dynamics. What we are observing today, though most evident during Luigi Sbarra 's leadership , is an adaptation of the current leadership to this new sociopolitical reality and a push toward rapprochement with the Meloni government, seeking to mediate between workers' needs and government policies. However, this scenario generates a strong ambiguity that undermines the CISL's good intentions and effectiveness, especially since its historical and social roots remain strongly anchored in a progressive vision that has historically been linked to the objectives of public welfare (healthcare, social assistance, and education), financed by progressive taxes on ALL income, assets, and financial gains.

The CISL, and all the confederations, must work to move beyond being "unions of trade unionists " and return to being unions of workers, with assemblies and an active role for the RSU, also fulfilling an educational function. It is quite strange that, today, comments are repeated labeling the CISL as a "Catholic and white " union, since its statute defines it as non-denominational, when there is—as never before—a distance between the CISL and the major Catholic associations, from the ACLI to the Scouts, to Catholic Action, on the issues of peace and European rearmament. Today, the Confederations must have the courage to act in unity to more effectively address the issue of purchasing power. This means renegotiating those rules (such as the HICP index, which does not take imported inflation into account) that prevent contract renewals from safeguarding the "shopping cart." Perhaps they should also redefine a platform for relaunching the National Health Service by hiring doctors as public sector employees, rather than self-employed workers.

The concept of a " Responsibility Pact" proposed by Fumarola (the new secretary of the CISL) "to be made with those who agree" simplifies and does not resolve the ambiguity surrounding the Meloni government, which certainly cannot be considered "pro-labor ." Furthermore, I believe that defining and implementing such a pact would require strong unity of action among the confederate unions and the active involvement of business forces, primarily Confindustria. At the moment, however, such a scenario is still to be developed, but it can be proposed.