Sánchez counterattacks desperately to gain time he no longer has.

The UCO report is not the end of the investigation, but rather the beginning of a political earthquake.

After his appearance as a victim last week, Pedro Sánchez once again showed his face on Monday after another military parade in his party's Executive Committee. The PSOE Secretary General resorted to his usual arrogant image in an attempt to counterattack to gain time he no longer has. No one believes, at this point, that he can hold out in La Moncloa until July 2027. Not even he. Even so, he issued three clear challenges: to the Socialist militants, to his partners and allies in the government, and to the opposition. "The PSOE is clean, and as captain, I must take the helm and weather the storm," he said.

The return of the combative and expeditious leader lacks any democratic legitimacy, and his justification that his government must be supported because the alternative is the rise of the right and the far right has become an empty karma that fewer and fewer Spaniards believe. Fear of the right has been a classic in the PSOE since the days of Alfonso Guerra 's Doberman advertisement. And it paid off handsomely in July 2023. But the corruption scandals in his party and government overshadow any political movement along those lines.

But Sánchez must believe his Manual of Resistance remains valid, while the pillars he defended in the successful 2018 vote of no confidence against Mariano Rajoy are crumbling. The fight against corruption and the necessary democratic regeneration, championed by José Luis Ábalos in the Congress of Deputies , have been shattered after the 490-page UCO report was released. The party that was supposed to clean up politics created a "criminal organization at its top," in the words of the Civil Guard.

In his counterattack, the Prime Minister challenged his party's critics to raise their grievances with the appropriate decision-making bodies . The first meeting, on Monday, at the Executive Committee, was devoid of any self-criticism, and no uprising against its leader is expected at the Federal Committee on July 5. There will be interventions that stray from the official line, but not enough to force a change of position. Those who criticize the Secretary General's drift are aware that they are in a minority compared to Sánchez's power and his enormous manger to continue placing his loyalists. Furthermore, the Socialist rank and file continue to believe that anything goes to prevent the PP from returning to power. Even corruption. The message of "building a wall against the far right" has resonated with many PSOE voters, who share their leader's divisive strategy.

Along these lines, the PSOE general secretary sent a letter to members yesterday via social media, asserting that "there is no rotten system in Spain whose reform needs to be addressed politically." He acknowledged that there were corrupt individuals in his party and that there were "acts that disgust us and are totally incompatible with the progressive and profoundly feminist values" of the party. He avoided acknowledging that the two leaders of the corruption scheme, Ábalos and Cerdán, had been his most trusted men while they committed their crimes.

The second challenge he posed to his partners and allies in the executive branch, whom he has begun meeting with at the Moncloa Palace to learn the new, undoubtedly very high price to keep him in power. Yolanda Díaz threatened to "reset" the government's actions, but meekly attended the photo with Sánchez in defense of his five ministries. On the other hand, Podemos gave him the cold shoulder, considering him unqualified to lead the regeneration. "It's a face-lift operation by a corrupt party," stated Ione Belarra . Even so, it doesn't seem likely that they will support a vote of no confidence from the PP, although they wouldn't vote in favor of a vote of no confidence in the president either.

That was precisely the president's third challenge before dramatically declaring that "it's five o'clock and I haven't eaten" (it reminded me of his appearance after fleeing Paiporta , when he said "I'm fine"). He challenged Alberto Núñez Feijóo to present a motion of censure if he truly wants to end his term. So far, the PP leader continues to refuse to take that step, no matter how much Santiago Abascal pressures him. I wouldn't rule out a change of heart if the investigations by the UCO (Union of the Workers' Union) and the Supreme Court end up involving more members of the party and the government.

This is a very important key to keep in mind. The Civil Guard report is not the end of the investigation, but rather the beginning of a political earthquake that could affect more Socialist leaders and even ministers. We must also know what the next step will be for José Luis Ábalos (expelled from the PSOE 16 months after the case was opened against him), Koldo García, and Santos Cerdán . The human factor is important when they have been able to see that they could face sentences of up to 16 years and that their collaboration with the justice system could reduce their prison time. Just look at the case of Víctor de Aldama, the "corrupting link" in the plot, who evaded pretrial detention by "blowing the whistle."

Pedro Sánchez's three challenges can be summed up in one of his most solemn statements: "I will not give up, and those who disagree will have to beat me." After calling himself the best government in democracy, he added that "we are not going to destroy Spain's stability to put ourselves in the hands of the worst opposition." What stability? He can neither govern nor legislate because he lacks sufficient parliamentary support, and with each passing day the situation worsens, because he is incapable even of fulfilling the agreements signed with the separatists in exchange for their votes. Time is running out for him, although the general opinion is that he will continue pulling rabbits out of his hat to stay in power.

The fact is that the Prime Minister continues to overcome the stages of grief over the betrayal he claims to have received from his most trusted people. Kübler-Ross's theory speaks of five stages: denial, anger, negotiation, depression, and acceptance. Sánchez quickly denies his feelings and becomes enraged, but has begun to negotiate a way out, avoiding depression.

There is, however, one issue that sooner or later could affect the Socialist leader's political future. In addition to the corruption scandal that has been uncovered and that could affect more people in his entourage, there is a political corruption that brought him to power and that he will have to continue to exercise if he wants to extend his term until 2027. Negotiations with the enemies of the Constitution who keep him in La Moncloa have led him to renounce not only his campaign promises, but also the principles of his party and constitutional doctrine. And, sooner or later, it will end up taking its toll. Curiously , the concessions to Carles Puigdemont and Arnaldo Otegi were negotiated by Cerdán, a man as unscrupulous as Sánchez himself.