The approach

Ever since Plato famously described the metaphor of the "ship of state," politicians have been fond of sailor similes, probably because they are easy to understand, even if they sometimes lead to fatal outcomes.

Artur Mas, a sea lover, somewhat abused this resource. When he negotiated the Statute of Autonomy with Zapatero, the CiU leader declared that he had brought the freighter to port. All that was left was to unload the cargo through a referendum to ratify the agreement. At that point, ERC jumped ship. Later, when he became president of the Generalitat (Catalan government), Mas even took home a steering wheel, a gift from his father, to remind him of the course. When he embarked on the independence process , he boasted about the voyage to the longed-for Ithaca, which, at a given moment, became a "collision course" and ultimately crashed the ship—the party, the government, and the pro-independence strategy—against the rocks (you can assign blame for the shipwreck).

Pedro Sánchez is more of a dry land type. He had never been heard to make such Mediterranean references until June 12th, when he went to the PSOE headquarters to apologize for having trusted Cerdán and Ábalos. There, he hinted that he had no intention of resigning and referred to himself as "the captain" of the socialist ship. Yesterday, he was more explicit : the captain doesn't abandon ship, he argued, when the sea is rough (and at risk of sinking, one might add). In line with what he expressed on Friday at a feminist protest, Sánchez demonstrates his conviction that his resignation would be the worst possible solution, as it would provoke a crisis within the PSOE so profound that it would lead to an endless journey through the desert.

From this thesis, it follows that the Socialist leader sees things in a bad way when he looks around and finds no convincing replacements. Many have fallen by the wayside in his entourage for various reasons (yesterday's abrupt departure of Francisco Salazar is no small feat for Sánchez), and the wear and tear is already affecting the president's image, who, at this point, probably shouldn't trust even his own shadow. Yesterday's speech before the federal committee failed to inspire the spirit the party would need to mount a comeback.

There were high expectations for the federal committee, but Sánchez himself admitted in his speech that he was aware that his announcements would be disappointing to many Socialist activists and voters. Short of miracles, those present gave in to the catharsis, and no one wanted to be left out. There was no hint of mutiny; the majority supported the captain despite some complaints, especially from the feminist camp.

Sánchez sees himself as the only captain who can prevent a lethal collapse of the PSOE.

The PSOE leader tried to convince his supporters that his resilient and bold nature makes him the best captain in times of extreme uncertainty to defend the ship against the upcoming general elections. He thus sent the message that he is also the most qualified person to decide when they should be held, given that it is very difficult to believe that the term of office could be exhausted.

The final preparations for the boarding were taking place a few kilometers away, in Hall 10 of Ifema, where the People's Party (PP) was preparing a gleaming ship, with the crew and ship's leaders throwing hairs into the sea. The PP is as impregnable as the Macedonian phalanx when they see their target approaching. Alberto Núñez Feijóo was supported by former presidents Aznar and Rajoy, who even dared to embrace him after a virtuoso exercise in amnesia, the former regarding his pacts with nationalists and the latter regarding the Gürtel scandal. Neither the usual uninhibited protagonism of Isabel Díaz Ayuso nor the Numantian resilience of Alejandro Fernández have a place in this congress. Neither is going to spoil the party when the game is about to be won. Feijóo doesn't have to assert his captaincy because no one is going to dispute it today.

Feijóo declares himself the heir of the "reformist center" Aznar of 1999

The PP congresses have returned to the pomp of the Aznar era. Futuristic stages in electric blue to propel the leader. The lyrics are less important than the music. Even so, Feijóo's speech contributed to the euphoria and roused the audience on several occasions. He promised cleanliness, an end to sectarianism, and declared himself a reformist centrist, as Aznar defined it in 1999.

For more specific details, see the political report . It contains an amendment to the past: "The framework of powers cannot be a bazaar where parliamentary majorities are bought." At the same time, it states that "everything that the Constitution and the laws allow can be discussed, and with all those willing to comply with them," which is somewhat more ambiguous. After all, laws are enforced, but they can be changed.

The political report is interesting for what it says and what it leaves out. Among the first, the most notable are all the precautions in case the Catalan independence movement is revived and "they do it again." Thus, they promise to reinstate the crime of sedition and include illegal referendums in the Penal Code, in addition to prohibiting pardons for those convicted of terrorism, corruption, attacks on the territorial integrity of the State, or the constitutional order. But curiously, it says nothing about repealing the amnesty law. Does the PP assume that this will already be fulfilled and Carles Puigdemont will have returned to Girona? Is this a clean slate?

Read also Sánchez and expectations Lola García

While Feijóo left those questions hanging, Aznar put the pieces together and insinuated that Sánchez should end up in prison for his dealings with the separatists. If the PSOE leader presents himself as a captain, Aznar undoubtedly sees him as a pirate and has no doubt that the PP is the one who deserves the right to free the nation from such a threat.

With these supplies, Feijóo prepares to board.