Spain records and is horrified

Archives and audio tapes have been the most powerful engine of Spanish politics for more than fifteen years. Secret recordings break the tie. The technique isn't complicated. There's good material in the spy shop. All it takes is cold blood, a lot of cold blood.
November 6, 2007. José Luis Peñas , a Popular Party councilor in the Madrid municipality of Majadahonda, files a complaint with the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office and the Economic and Tax Crime Unit of the Police (UDEF) regarding the existence of a political and business corruption network headed by Francisco Correa and linked to PP officials. Councilor Peñas accompanies the complaint with 18 hours of recordings with the network's main leaders. He has been recording conversations for a year, since he is familiar with the network as a Majadahonda councilor. Peñas, a janitor for a municipal service in Madrid, has always maintained that he acted out of indignation.
The police dubbed the case Gürtel, which means "belt" in German. The investigation was initially conducted by Judge Baltasar Garzón . Garzón was later removed from the judiciary. The Supreme Court ruled in 2012 that Garzón had ordered illegal wiretapping in the Gürtel investigation by ordering the recording of conversations between the imprisoned defendants and their lawyers.
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The Gürtel case cut like a razor through the country's political life and was the mainspring of the no-confidence vote that brought down Mariano Rajoy 's government at the end of 2018. There are currently still thirty open judicial cases, and in approximately a year, in May 2026, the trial will take place in the Kitchen case, which refers to the alleged use of police officers and secret funds to try to hinder the investigations carried out by the UDEF (Uninstitutional Electoral Fund). Former Interior Minister Jorge Fernández Díaz heads the list of the eleven defendants, with the prosecutor requesting 15 years in prison. The current leadership of the Popular Party considers itself disconnected from those events and exonerated by the passage of time and the no-confidence vote. Alberto Núñez Feijóo feels rebaptized in the Jordan River.
José Luis Peñas, sentenced to five years in prison for profiting from the scheme he exposed, was recently pardoned by the Council of Ministers. "The message we are sending with this pardon is very clear: whoever cooperates with justice has the support of the Government," declared Justice Minister Félix Bolaños . Silence in the courtroom.
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Without a doubt, the king of recordings is former police commissioner José Manuel Villarejo Pérez . In the spring of 2017, rumors began circulating in Madrid that Villarejo, who was in prison for a shadowy destabilization operation in Equatorial Guinea, was selling audio from his vast archive through intermediaries. "They have enough material to bring down the Spanish political system three times over," a person who had been contacted to ask if he was interested in buying told La Vanguardia at the time.
Agent Villarejo had been systematically recording all of his conversations for years and, with the complicity of other police officers, purchasing discarded audio recordings from the wiretaps carried out with judicial authorization. Of these recordings, only the fragments relevant to the matter under investigation should be preserved; the rest must be destroyed. Many fragments ended up on the secondhand market. Villarejo possessed the largest audio library in Spain, carefully encrypted. Several terabytes of information, that is, thousands upon thousands of digital files. The Escorial of secret information.
For fifteen years, secret recordings have been the driving force of Spanish politics.Many people in Madrid knew that Villarejo bought information and offered to carry out special operations in the business and political spheres. Banks, large Ibex companies, influential figures in trouble. He even interfered in the Corina affair, Villarejo's unblocking. A typical 007. A seemingly lone wolf with access to police databases and tax information. A friend of judges, prosecutors, editorial advisors, and journalists, whom he also recorded while eating paella. A key player in many conspiracies in the capital. "Villarejo will fix this for you." Possibly a unique case in Western Europe.
A highly intelligent and fearsome man, he began his police career in the Basque Country in the early 1970s, investigating ETA. Closer to the PP than the PSOE, he never entrenched himself with either side. He was at the beck and call of the entire system. He performed special services for Interior Minister José Luis Corcuera during the desperate phase of Felipe González 's PSOE. And twenty years later, he would make himself available to Mariano Rajoy's government to try to destroy Podemos, when in the fall of 2014, this young party reached 26% of the vote in the polls, a catalyst for social anger stemming from the economic crisis and the outrageous accumulation of corruption cases. Villarejo and Catalonia. He was also a crucial figure in the dirty war against the Catalan independence movement, with many trips to Andorra.
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There is no evidence that the entire massive archive has been decrypted by the National Intelligence Center. The destabilizing potential of this immense audio archive remains. Villarejo will also be in the dock when the trial in the Kitchen case begins. He couldn't miss that appointment.
The former bodyguard Koldo García Izaguirre was surely motivated by Commissioner Villarejo's tireless recorder when he decided that he would not be the fool in the film if one day the maneuvers entrusted to him by Santos Cerdán were discovered. Cerdán, then a rising figure in the PSOE, a hermetic, granite-like type, apparently made of one piece, who bet on Pedro Sánchez when he decided to recover the general secretary position of the PSOE by traveling around Spain aboard an old Peugeot.
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The faithful Koldo drove that car on more than one occasion. Sánchez won the 2017 primaries like the Lone Ranger, capturing the dismay of many socialist militants worried by the criticism of their children, fascinated by Podemos. A year later, Sánchez entered the government after the vote of no confidence triumphed. What happened next in the basement is only just becoming known, perhaps incompletely.
Koldo decided to record, and according to the newspaper ABC , the Civil Guard has not found all of his files. Other recordings were allegedly in a secret location and, according to the aforementioned newspaper, contain voices from other parties and organizations. "It could bring down the government and much more," commented journalist Javier Chicote . Koldo is following Villarejo's lead. A former collaborator with the Civil Guard in the fight against ETA, he specializes in security work and is familiar with the technique. It would be interesting to know how easily the UCO found the recordings at Koldo García's home and how difficult it was to decrypt them.
The files that the UCO has managed to decrypt reveal that Santos Cerdán was masterminding the plot and offer a glimpse into the sordid Spain of Spain. Sulfuric acid in the face of the PSOE.
Koldo García, a former collaborator of the Civil Guard against ETA, knew the recording techniquesThe PP underworld, revealed by Councilor Peña's recordings, wore glittery hair, pastel-colored ties, attended Aznar 's daughter's wedding, and raked in the cash during Benedict XVI's visit to Valencia. Villarejo tried to go unnoticed with a traditional cap. He looked like a retiree collecting bills at home. The PSOE underworld chews on a toothpick while talking about whores.
In Spain, it's being recorded, and people are horrified to hear the miscellany leaked to the media. Spain is doing its own thing, always doing its own thing, while another war begins and Democratic congressmen are being gunned down in the United States .
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