The UCO (United Nations University) has introduced the corruption plot into the PSOE through four clues.

The Civil Guard's Central Operational Unit (UCO) has identified Santos Cerdán, the former number three of the Socialist Party (PSO- E), as the epicenter of the scheme orchestrated within the Ministry of Transport to rig public contracts in exchange for kickbacks. Together with José Luis Ábalos, its former head, and his advisor, Koldo García, they form a corrupt triangle. The report submitted by investigators to the Supreme Court judge reveals that it was Cerdán who appointed García as an advisor to Ábalos in order to influence the awarding of contracts.
Cerdán gave orders through García so that the public companies dependent on MITMA would obey his orders. In return, there was a distribution of money, which the UCO estimates at at least one million euros. The report, which has caused a tsunami at the Socialist Party headquarters, opens the door to the possibility that this corruption was not confined to these three individuals . Therefore, it maintains that Ábalos' dismissal in July 2021, along with García's, was a consequence of "having received income for helping other companies behind the party's back." An example could be Víctor de Aldama, who is excluded from this part of the investigation.
The UCO (Central University of Catalonia) identified three companies favored by Cerdán to be awarded the contract: Acciona, Opr, and Lic. The Socialist leader, then the party's territorial coordination secretary, allegedly used García to convey his rigging. "Talk to Santos [...] From what he gives me to understand, he's risking his life," the advisor warned Ábalos to mediate. They were referring to a project that was awarded to the company designated by Santos. This pressure was also passed on to the then-president of Adif. "If we give him another shot, he'll be shocked, but let me look at him," Isabel Pardo de Vera told García.
The UCO's suspicions That all these movements go beyond these specific peopleThe UCO suspects that all these movements go beyond these specific individuals. Hence, it connects four points that have emerged in the investigation. First, that during his time in Navarra, García linked the PSOE to his relationships with businessman Antxón Alonso—through whose company he was paid—and the awarding of public works. Second, that Cerdán sought to be hired by Indra to donate 80% of his salary to the party. Third, that the party's management requested the financial contribution from a general director as a "tax," according to García's own statement. And fourth, that Ábalos's then-advisor was questioned for allegedly receiving payments from businessmen, while he was not criticized for the payments obtained through Cerdán.
And to all this, the agents link all these clues to the conversation between García and one of the leaders of the beneficiary companies, who warned him that leaving them "out of the dance" would not be good for the PSOE, which he refers to as "ranch."
The report highlights that Cerdán's relationship with García began in 2015 with economic interests from his time in Navarre. In 2017, when the Navarrese leader was sent to Madrid, he brought García with him, who initially worked as a driver and eventually became an advisor. And after Cerdán's dismissal, Cerdán did not sever his ties. In fact, García continued to demand money owed from him for contract awards. In 2022, García continued to maintain relationships with businessmen despite being outside of MITMA. In a conversation that year, one of the contract beneficiaries explained to García a conversation he had had with Cerdán, asking him to keep things the same in the new phase of the Ministry. "I'm sure it will," he said.
Afterward, Cerdán disappeared from Koldo García's life for more than a year, until in December 2023, two months before his arrest, he managed to see him: "Talk to Óscar (Puente), you have to give me something." Cerdán knew the UCO was after the advisor and broke off all communications. However, in that last conversation, he promised to find some "way" to help him. "You killed me in a brutal way, I think it was unnecessary," García reproached him. What Cerdán didn't know was that he had recorded him and that the tables would turn.
And that in an intercepted conversation, Cerdán already showed fear that they could be being recorded:
— Koldo! I don't want you to talk about this, we don't talk about it.
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