The Spain of Basque, Catalan and Galician
If Catalonia and the Basque Country had not voted in the 2023 general elections, they should know that the right would have obtained 51.6% of the vote: 37.8% for the PP and 13.8% for Vox; while the PSOE, in both hypotheses, inside or outside, would have maintained its same result. This is the Spain we are. It is useful to remember this social and political framework to provide context for the unborn but necessary official status of Catalan, Basque, and Galician in the EU, because we need to educate both internally and externally about the Spain we want.
The current transversal, peripheral, and plurinational majority is based on a theory of Spain that was expressed in all its splendor during the 2018 vote of no confidence, seven years and one day ago today. And it is that majority, and not a specific prime minister, that they want to subdue. So much so that the intellectual efforts of a segment of Madrid DF, if we distinguish between the important and the urgent, are focused exclusively on attacking this plural construction of governability through specific fronts, such as the soon-to-be-defined financing.
If there is unique funding, amnesty and official languages in the EU, there will be a legislature and potential re-election.Let's do some serious teaching: If Catalan, Basque, and Galician are Spanish languages, why doesn't a Spanish representative in the European Parliament defend them in the same way he defends Castilian on such a basic point as official status? Does anyone believe the PP would be penalized for defending the official status of all Spanish languages in the EU, when, as we can see, this party has lost its position from 38% to 32% in Spain, primarily due to Catalonia and the Basque Country? If we've already left the two-party system behind, why do some people insist on resolving political conflicts, whatever they may be, from that nostalgia and not from the current multiparty system ? What is the theory of an alternative Spain to the one supported by the current majority? Is it perhaps understood as Carlist-like actions that extinguish democratic electorates like those of the PNV and Junts, but also the rest of the plurinational parties, pushing them off track at any cost, so that, for example, the democratic and pluralistic right, one day, cannot have a minimum viability in the future of Spain? What is this intended? Is the intention to see the PSOE return to the Portuguese stage, as, incidentally, it already did in 2015, abstaining from voting? On what theory of Spain is a council of ministers of the PP and Vox really based?
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It's been seven years now, and it's worth remembering once again how we got here. Setting the challenge firmly. If the official status of Basque, Catalan, and Galician in Europe, the amnesty, or special financing were not approved, this theory of a Spain of total reunion, in which many of us believe, would prove unviable, and then, rather than the legislative period collapsing, the very theory of this plurinational Spain, as Spanish and constitutional as the two-party system, would do so. If, on the other hand, the amnesty, special financing, and official Spanish languages in the European Union are approved, not without difficulties, and the struggle continues, there will be a legislative period and potential reelection. This theory of Spain would have a long way to go for many more legislative periods.
Sánchez and Rajoy greet each other at the end of the 2018 vote of no confidence session.
LVFrom today until the Spanish Prime Minister's office with the King at the Marivent Palace, there are eight weeks of high-stakes decisions ahead: the constitutionality of the Amnesty Law, the BBVA takeover bid for Sabadell, the PP national congress, and the necessary governmental push in the face of the complexity of events to bring politics back into line with the facts—that is, the need to ensure a place in the world for every citizen, and not so many worries.
Lasting until 2027 will be like playing away from home every day for the government. But Spain pays its bills, is a reliable partner in Europe, and this summer will be a record-breaking year for tourists and foreign currency inflows. What made this possible? A theory about Spain. Which one? The one that defends the total reunion between Spaniards that began seven years ago: that of the 2018 vote of no confidence. "Don't judge a good archer by his arrows, but by his aim," I liked to tell my teams at the Moncloa Palace. "That's the point." Also, look for what makes each player extraordinary. Politics, like life, is about talent and affection. Therefore, let's develop talent and affection. The Spain of Basque, Catalan, and Galician, that transversal, plurinational, and peripheral majority, is stronger than it seems.
Next week Polarized: Lesson 1In this competition between polarized parties, the PP should not forget lesson number one: Vox is the impregnable seat of the authoritarian right, and they will never be defeated on their own turf. In the same way that ERC, at one time, was the impregnable seat of independence, and CiU, PDECat later, and then Junts wanted to storm that seat, and so they all are today. The unrelenting competition between the PP and Vox that is stirring up Madrid DF is precisely what is driving the right unchecked in one direction: preventing the PP from having any other option than Vox.
The Hawkeye 20 to 7The Minister of Foreign Affairs, EU and Cooperation, José Manuel Albares, is very well-done. He has a political and technical acumen, and as a Madrilenian, he understands the social nature of what we represent in his defense of all Spanish languages in the European Union, languages that say as much about us as Castilian Spanish. At this point, we must ask ourselves, time and again, whether, with the support of the People's Party (PP) in the EU, Catalan, Basque, and Galician would not already be official EU languages. The tentative result among the 27 is thought-provoking: 20 countries in favor and 7 against. Close to 80%!
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